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Tiranë,
1997
PUBLISHED
BY:
THE ALBANIAN INSTITUTE OF ISLAMIC THOUGHT & CIVILIZATION
(AIITC)
[url:
http://www.muslimsonline.com/aiitc
,
e-mail:
aiitc@abissnet.com.al
]
Copyright
of © AIITC
(in
Albanian)
REDACTEDBY:
AS.PROF.DR.
DILAVER SADIKAJ
CORRECTEDBY:
PROF.
HASAN ÇIPURI
"We
Albanians, be from any religion, are all brothers on our country. We will
always be going nice and in peace with each – other, as we are going, we
will work together for the prosperity of our nation, and we will protect
it with our blood.
"
"We
have three religions, but only one Fatherland, one brotherly blood, one
language, one sun and One GOD. Our main duty is the unity and the protection
of our fatherland."
Table
of Contents
contents...................................................... 4
Foreword................................................... 9
CHAPTER I......................................................
The
antireligious policy and its consequences on the islamic culture during
the 20th century
The stand of foreign policies regarding the albanian cause
................................................................ 19
Forced convertion........................................... 24
The expropriation of Albanian lands...................... 30
The persecution of Islamic clerics and the destruction of Islamic religious institutions37
The first sign of reaction to the communist danger....... 40
The confrontation with communism....................... 44
The state and its war against the religion.................. 54
The confiscation of the religious properties............... 60
Cleric’s reaction.............................................. 65
The anti-religious war continues........................... 69
CHAPTER II................................................... 74
The
albanian islamic education in albanian territories74
Primary education........................................... 74
The Islamic secondary education.......................... 84
The Macedonian medreses a barrier against assimilation85
The “Isa Beu” medrese in skopie........................ 88
Kosova’s medreses – heart of national religious education93
The “Alaud-din”
elementary medreses in Prishtina... 98
The “Alaud-din”
medrese (high school) Prishtina... 101
The medreses in Albania.................................. 109
The Tirana's general medrese........................... 117
Higher Albanian Islamic Education (the faculty of Islamic studies)124
Islamic buldings and their role in the religious, ethnical and cultural education among Albanians132
- The first mosques in our territories:.................. 137
- The role of mosques in the spiritual aspect:......... 145
- The social role of the mosque......................... 146
- The most famous mosques, inherited
from the past and those built in XX century, in Albanian territories.....................................................................153
CHAPTER III................................................. 164
The
albanian islamic periodicals of xxth century in albania and
around the world164
The Albanian Islamic press in the first half of XX century165
Albanian Islamic press after the second world war..... 175
Publications of Islamic religious character in Albanian language191
The Qur'an................................................ 194
The Qur'an in Albanian language...................... 196
Translated extracts of the Qur'an published
in different books200
Translated extracts from the Qur'an
published in different periodicals205
Readers of qur’an in Albanian Territories (qurra - hafiz)
(kurrat - hafizët)......................................... 207
Ahadith in Albanian language............................ 211
Albanian documentary literature on the life of the Prophet of Islam223
Biographies dedicated to the Prophet (p.b.u.h.)...... 230
Elaboration of islamic belief, personalities and their influence on the national culture through non-religious activities239
CHAPTER IV............................................... 252
Distinguished
islamic figures and their contributions in the cultural and spritual education
of albanians.................................................................. 252
Personalities of the Islamic culture that lived and worked in the end of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century.258
Said Najdeni ............................................. 258
Tahir Efendi Lluka..................................... 261
Kadri Gjata............................................... 263
Mulla Isuf Kraja. ........................................ 265
Hafiz Ali Riza Ulqinaku................................. 268
Haziz Lila................................................ 271
Hoxhë Muglica.......................................... 272
Hoxhë Voka............................................. 273
Kadri Lutfulla Prishtina................................. 276
Vildan Faik Dibra...................................... 278
Hoxhë Hasan Vogli..................................... 280
Haxhi Ali Elbasanit..................................... 282
Qamil Bala .............................................. 284
Mehmet Akif Ersoj...................................... 286
Haxhi Vehbi Dibra (Agolli)............................. 288
Sali Niazi Dede .......................................... 291
Mulla Hasan Masurica................................. 292
Ismail Ndroqi........................................... 294
Hafiz Ymer Shemsiu.................................... 297
Arif Shala................................................ 300
Baba Ali Tomorri....................................... 301
Ma’ruf Al-Arnauti....................................... 302
Mulla Idriz Gjilani...................................... 306
Hafiz Ibrahim Dalliut................................... 309
Haxhi Hafiz Ismet Dibra................................ 312
Abdulhaqim Hiqmet Dogani........................... 314
Hafiz Ali Korça .......................................... 317
Albanian Islamic culture’s personalities during the second half of the 20th century320
Sadik Bega............................................... 320
Ferid Vokopola.......................................... 322
Haxhi Hafiz Mahmut Dashi........................... 324
Osman Muderrizi........................................ 326
Hafiz Ali Kraja .......................................... 328
Esat Myftia............................................... 329
Mulla Rexhepi........................................... 331
Haki Sharofi............................................. 333
Vexhi Buharaja......................................... 335
Sali Efendi Myftia........................................ 338
Hamid Gjylbegaj........................................ 342
Binaze Kacabaci –Dauti................................ 342
Mulla Ismaili............................................ 343
VejselXheladin Guta ................................... 345
Mulla Zekë Bërdyna.................................... 347
Hasan Efendi Nahi..................................... 350
Haxhi Rashid Efendi Osmani .......................... 352
Mulla Hysen Latifi....................................... 353
Shuajb Muharrem Arnauti.............................. 355
Nasrud-Din Albani (Shqiptari)......................... 358
Abdul-Kadër Arnauti.................................... 362
Haxhi Vehbi Sulejman Gavoçi......................... 364
Hilmi Maliqi (Sheh Mala).............................. 366
Hafiz Sabri Koçi......................................... 369
Imam Vehbi Ismaili..................................... 373
Sherif Ahmeti............................................. 376
Hoxhallare (imams) and lecturers, who suffered from the serb imprisonment................................................................378
Ramadan Govori (Mulla Rama)..................................378
H.Hajdar Ef. Jashari.....................................................379
Sadri Prestreshi............................................................380
H. Hfz. Jakup Dugagjini...............................................381
Notes....................................................... ..382
Sources and literature................. ...................390
The
study is the result of many years of intensive efforts and commitment in
consulting not only the archives and libraries of the Republic of Albania,
but also those of the Islamic schools in Prishtina and Gjakova in the Republic
of Kosova, as well as the “Is’hak Beu” library of the Islamic school of
Skopje, and the Islamic Community of Podgorica in the Republic of Montenegro.
Through various connections it has been possible to utilize also the publications
of the Albanian Islamic center of Michigan, and those of New Jersey and
New York in the United States of America.
With
the aim of conducting a comprehensiv study to the fullest extend possible,
attention has been given to the activity of other centres of the Albanian
Diaspora, like those of Toronto (Canada), Brusels (Belgium) etc., which
have published considerably, though no full studies on the topic of this
paper, as well as to publications in Albanian of varios Eastern countries.
The
bibliography on the subject of this study is relatively rich. It includes
books, monographs, collections of studies etc., which have treated among
others, questions or aspect of the Islamic culture in general, and the
Albanian Islamic culture in particular. In this context, mention deserve
publications of scholarssuch as
Muhamed Pirraku, Dr. Haki Kasumi, Dr. Jashar Rexhepagiqi etc., of theologists
and researchers like Hfs. Ibrahim Dalliu, Hfs. Ali Korça, Father
Ali Tomori, Ilo Mitke Qafzesi, Haki Sharofi, Sherif Ahmeti, Vehbi Ismaili,
Vexhi Demiraj, etc.. At the same time, there are foreign authors that have
touched upon the Islamic religious matters in the Albanian territories
as Dr. Branko Babiq, Bozhina Ivanoviq, Roberto Marozzo della Rocca, Edwin
E. Jasques etc..
Besides
a speech or two in Albanian at international scholarly gatherings or an
article appearing in a magazine, to the present, there is no study as such
or monograph dealing with Albanian Islamic culture directly.
In
the Republic of Albania, after the Second World War, the various religions
have been subject of several publications, though all adhering to the anti
religious policy of the time, such as “Scientifik Atheism”, published by
the University of Tirana in 1986, “Charges on Religion”, published by the
Higher Pedagogical Institute of Shkodra, “What Is Religion”, “The People
Overrule Religion”, etc.. In all these works prevails the idea of the denigration
of religion, denial of the religious culture, to the extent that it is
even presented as anticulture; its mission: “to leave the people in darkness
and ignorance, to legitimate the rule of the rich classes[1]”
etc..
Neither
do scholarly papers such as the article “The Frontal Attack Agains Religion
in the 60s”[2],
which distinguishes for its rich factual material and an overall realistic
historical overview, escape the politicisation and other handicaping features
of the period.
The
study has proceeded on the basis of the collection, selection, classification
and arrangiment of the body of material factes gathered from the archives
and libraries within the country and abroad.
The
material has been arrangend according to the following topics: The anti
- religious policy and its consequences, Islamic theological and cultural
institutions, pubulications, and the distinguished personalitets of the
Islamic culture.
Reliance
on the analytic and synthetic approah, hand in hand with the comparative
study, has enabled the evidencing of new cultural phenomena, unknow or
misinterpreted as a consequence of the politicization of historical events
and cultural processes. This approach has made it possible to consider
the development of the Islamic culture as part and parcel of the overall
cultural, ethical and social developmet of the Albanian people.
The
role of the Islamic theological and cultural institutions in Albania, and
the flux of the Islamic media, are considered in the framework of inter
- confessional understanding (a characteristic of our country) aiming at
an allnation harmony. Atthe same time they are conceived in the spirit
of repudiation of atheistic ideas, as well as anti religious and communist
policies.
The
study reserves special attention to the contemplation of the role played
by the Islamic centres of the Albanian diaspora in the consolidation of
the national consciousness.
For
study purposes the research on Islamicm culture among Albanians, as part
of the overall Albanian culture, has been construed in four planes, reflecting
both in general and particular its development and issues at stake, namely:
The anti religious polycy and its consequences on the Islamic culture.
These are the main chapters of this monograph.
The
first chapter offers a general view of the survival of the Islamic doctrin
and the role it played in dhe preservation of the national identity. Here
emphasis is given to the anti religious policies and their consequences
on the Islamic culture, beginning at the start of the century up to the
events of the recent years, after the religious revival in the country.
The
sekond chapter is conceerend with the Islamic education. The first section
is dedicated to the first level education in the Albanian territories,
dealing with its network, structure and organization. Reference is found
in the archives of Kosova, Macedonia and Montenegro, though not of the
schools of Cameria, were according to oral evidence, the network was very
powerfully built.
The
chapter continues with a description of the secondary education, the distribution
of schools in Albanian territories, their historical evolution and the
syllabuses.
Mention
is made of the texts used, with an attemt to analyze also their content.
The material facts on this level of education is greater. The material
facts, on this level of education is greater. The evulution of the latter
has had its ebb and flow., determined in the first place by historical
turning points. Centrainly, the Islamic secondary schools of the last years
find a wider reflection, because the information at disposal is greater.
Inorder to give e cleareridea about
their structure, organisation and role, the study dwells also on their
rules and statutes. The diferences between these schools have necessitated
in certain cases separate analysis of those in Kosova, Macedonia, etc..
A
separate section of the second chapter deals with the higher Islamic education.
Its features come into evidence through the description of the higher school
of Islamic education in Prishtina. Elements of higher education were also
compriset in the syllabus of the General Islamic school of Tirana.
The
third chapter considers ectensively the Islamic poblications and pres in
the Albanien territories and diaspora. The work has been laborious, because
the Albanien diaspora is scattered in five continents: Europe, Amerika,
Asia, Australia and Africa. To facilitate the study, it was considered
useful to group the religious publications in Albanien, on the basis of
their physiognomy under: periodicals, text books for learning the Muslim
faith, transtlations of the Holy Qur’an in Albanian, Mevluds etc., making
thus for the first time a complete classification of such works.
For
the first time this paper offers full analyses of periodicals. They have
been very difficult to get hold of becaus the majority are completely unknown
to the Albanien public, as for instance “Our Endeavour” which comes out
in New Jersey, “The Light of Lahore” (India) etc..
An
important section of this chapter is tacen by the translations in Albanian
of extractes from Tefsir (interpretation of Qur’an), besides those of Hadiths.
During the research of transtatlions of Qur’an we have come across manuscripts
by Albanian theologists or groups of Albaniantheologists who were well
acquainted with the religious terminology and the exact corresponding terms
in Albanian. Here are includedalso
the mevluds, which besides their significance as part of the religious
literature, have a speciallinguistic
value, as they are writtenby authors from diferent regions of Albania,
as Shkodra, Ulqini, Korça, Kosova, Tetova, as well as from the Albanians
of the diaspora etc..
The
fourth chapters dwells on the personalitets of the Islamic culture, and
their contributs to the national question. These are distinguished clericts
as Hfs. Ismet Dibra, Hadji Vehbi Dibra, Ismail Ndroqi etc., writers and
publicists as Hfs. Ali Korca, Sadik Bega; distinguished scholars of the
Orient such as Vexhi Buharaja: spiritual and military leaders as Mulla
Idriz Gjilani, mystics and philosophers as Ferit Vokopola, Father Ali Tomori,
inovative muezines as Mullah Hasan Masurica. Among them there are personalities
who in their powerful writings forewarned of the communist danger threequarters
of a century in advance. Well-known are the pamphlets of Hfs. Ali Tarja,
Hfs. Ali Korça, etc..
Female
personalities are also mentioned as that of H. Hanmit. The number of the
notables in total is fifty five, with an activity spans the beginning of
the 20th century to the present.
The
study includes references to the literature found in different libraries
and archives.
Here
I have to acknowledge a debt of gratitude, in the first place, to the Institute
of Histori at the Academyof Sciences
of the Republic of Albania, for the assistance in consulting the archive
documents. My thanks go also to the Direktorate of State Arhives of the
Republicof Albania, as well as to
the archives of the schools in Prishtina, Skopje, Podgorica, and of Shkodra,
for the readiness in putting at my disposal important documents relevant
to my topic.
Without
pretending to present you with an exhaustive study that leaves little room
for further investigation on the topic, I trust that this paper is of service
to my country and the Islamic culture, the latter an indivisible part of
our national heritage.
CHAPTER I
THE
ANTIRELIGIOUS POLICY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES ON THE ISLAMIC CULTURE DURING
THE 20th CENTURY
The
20-th century marks an important turning point in all the aspects of the
Albanian culture in general and the Islamic one in particular. Having inherited
for more than 5 centuries an oriental culture, it was now faced by new
obstacles and developments. It was during this time that the ideas of Hasan
Tahsini, Ymer Prizreni, Abdyl Frasheri, Sami Frasheri and Rejep Demit of
the importance of looking upon certain interests from e new stand point
were once more seen as actual.
The
fall of Islamic institution of Khaliphat after 13 centuries left the Albanian
people without a central spiritual guidance. Because of this fact after
the declaration of independence and the founding of the Albanian State,
the Islamic religious organizations together with Islamic educational institutions
were faced with urgent and difficult challenges regarding the preservation
of their doctrine and national identity. On the same lines the bektashi
claimed their independence from Turkey. Meanwhile the Sunni congregation,
which had interrupted its relations with Istanbul since 1921, organized
its first congress in 1923 and elected its mufti with his residence in
Tirana, together with the High Council of Shariah. The charter of this
council which was published in 1925 says that:" The head of the High Council
of Shariah represents the Albanian Muslim congregation and holds the title
" The head of the muftis".
During
this time, intense Islamic activities were being held in Albania. For the
first time Qur'an was translated into Albanian. On August 1929 the "Albanian
Muslim Congregation" held its second congress in Tirana. In this time there
were 1048 active mosques in Albania with a personnel of 1315. A number
of Muslim youth was sent abroad especially in Egypt in order of pursuing
an Islamic education. The High Council of Congregation was also founded
which was composed of four other muftiny (organizational zones), that of
Shkodra, Tirana, Korca and Gjirokastra. In 1929 the Bektashi held their
third congress in Korca in which they claimed their spiritual independence
and autonomy from the Albanian Muslim Congregation.
From
all mentioned above it is clear that Islam in Albania inherited qualified
forces in the theological aspect and in the organizational aspect as well
(muftis, kadis, governors, politicians). These people were closely related
to the ideas of National freedom and independence.
Although
the religious education was practiced in Albania, it still lacked a proper
organizational structure. The religious schools (the medreses) were limited
in number. In the beginning of 20-th century in Albania started the organization
of a religious secondary education. With the same tempo this kind of education
was further spread in some of Kosova's Islamic centers and Skopie. Meanwhile
in Cameria as we will see later on this kind of education was entirely
prohibited. Despite this fact the Albanian people preserved with jealousy
the Islamic religion and practiced regularly the religion rites. The beliefs,
concepts and rules were inherited by the later generations even in silence.
In silence a war against atheism, which started to spread in Albania especially
within the framework of the transmission of communist ideas, also took
place.
At
the beginning of 20-th century when the Osmanli Empire was counting the
last days of its rule over Balkans peninsula, the national awareness among
Albanians was at the highest peak. The new situation required from the
Muslims the reappearance of those Qura'nic points which evoked the love
for the fatherland. These Qur'anic points together with various hadiths
served to create a barricade against territorial pretensions of Greeks
in south, Slavs in north and Italian's pretensions on a part of Albanian's
coast. The policy of neighbor states imposed a danger to all Albanian population
(especially to Muslim population that was the biggest in number) starting
from Kosova to Presheva, Bujanovc, Medjeve, Montenegro (Ulqin, Tivar etc)
and to ex-Yugoslav republic of Macedonia (Dibra, Tetova, Kercova, Gostivar,
Kumanove etc) without excluding Cameria and Presheva.
The
Muslim Albanian population being the object of greed and interests of these
states risked losing its territories its nationality together with its
religion.
The
European diplomacy in an unjust way considered the Muslim Albanian population
as a Turkish population and its territories as gifts for satisfying the
neighbor countries. In this way on the decision making tables of this diplomacy
the rights of Albanian population after every lost battle by Turkey remained
unconsidered. This fact led to various movements from the part of Albanians
aiming the protection of their territories as legitimate descendants. These
movements united in the front of war Muslims and Christians alike. "Albanians,
being these Muslims or Catholics, can't and must not be subdued to the
yoke of any Slavic state...".
The
anti-Albanian stand of Serbian government was clearly shown on the instructions
given to Serbian counsels from the Serbian foreign affairs ministry in
which the necessity of intervention from the Serbian missionaries to the
Turkish authorities regarding the total disarmament of Albanians is highly
stressed. 6
The
establishment of military administration aimed at the security of Serb-Montenegrin
state and also at the massive ethnic-cleansing of the Albanians from their
native territories by the use of force and various massacres.
The
press of that time reported that in Ponoshec of Reke in Gjakova the Montenegrin
troops beheaded and killed 165 people among whom there were women and children.
After finishing up this bestiality the troops "forced the remaining families
to go out of the borders".
The
Serb-Montenegrin invaders used the most barbaric methods in order to create
a frustrating environment for Albanian population by forced change of the
names of the people, the names of the areas they lived and their religions.
Part
of invading troops besides the soldiers were also civil servants, chetniks,
orthodox clerics etc.All these groups
by the use of terror "forced the population of Peja and Gjakova to convert
to Orthodoxy and Slavs".
According
to the data taken from archives on 10 march 1913, 68 Albanian families
belonging to Islamic faith converted to Orthodoxy in Lugu i Boramit. Meanwhile
in the villages of Peja district such as Breste, Novoselle, Trebovic, Carrabreg,
Dredhez, Drenoc, Llogan, Carrabreg, Leskan, Petriq, Zojmove, Prelep, Jabllance,
Krusheve, Imiq, Strelle, Raushiq, Gllogjan and Kritice all the Albanian
Muslim population converted to orthodoxy.
Albanian
families, especially male members, were forced to convert their names by
orthodox priests or by "godfathers appointed by Montenegrin army” who organized
religious ceremonies for this purpose. This general baptism of Albanian
population touched mainly the areas of Plave, Guci and other zones as well…During
this conversion process the name Ushkini changed to Vukashin,Rama to Rade,Selimi
to Sime,Tahiri to Tihomir,Ramadani to Radivoj,Sadiku to Dika,Bajrami to
Bllagoj,Shefqet to Shqepan,Milaimi to Millorad etc.11 This act was also
mentioned in the songs of podgorit.12 After the Balkan war the Muslim Albanian
population which remained under
Serb-Montenegrin
and Greek rule was deprived from further organization of their religious
education and their religious-cultural institutions. Notable figures of
Albanian Islamic culture such as well - known imams, scholars from Cameria,
Kosova, Dibra etc. were forced to migrate or become prone of inhuman persecution,
killing, imprisonment, raids, discrimination etc. Another part of them
was forced to convert.
The
Montenegrin terrorism directed toward Albanian population in Dukagjin and
especially the acts of violence toward the population of Lugut te Boramit
that aimed the conversion was nothing else but another effort for the realization
of Nacertania of Grashanit the purpose of which was the denationalization
of Albanians and the colonization of Kosova. This act as the crimes unseen
before of Sav Bostore in the region of Dukagjin attracted the attention
of the international circles. The Austro-Hungarian together with Italian
and Turkish press paid a great deal of attention to the Montenegrin violent
acts in Dukagjin and to the resistance of Albanians done in order not to
change their religion. The conversion from Islam to Slav Orthodoxy implied
the total Slavization of Albanians.
Faced
with international pressure, the king of Montenegro, Nikolla Petranovic,
accepted that all the arsenal used for the massive conversion of the Albanian
Muslim population to orthodoxy was ordered by him with the aim of the general
expulsion of albanians from the lands occupied by Serbo-Montenegrins and
promised that he will order "the interruption of the forced conversion
of Albanians to orthodoxy". He also promised that " those who are already
converted to Orthodoxy will be allowed to convert again to their previous
religion".
Concerning
this case, the Austrian vice-consul in Prizren wrote that " an ugly adventure
of Slavs for the denationalization of Albanians by the means of expulsion
from their forefather's land was finally stopped".15
As
the result of the conversion process population of villages of Ciga and
Brestrovikut (nearby Peja and Roshaje) although Albanian originally, it
is known as a Serb-orthodox population.16
Although
the cases of violence affected Albanians of all ages and genders at the
end of the 19-th century and the beginning of the 20-th century they still
didn't success to break the Albanian’s barricades. The Albanian resistance
was also reflected in the folk songs:
Krisi
pushka e dajaku
Rruget
e shehrit I mbuloj gjaku
Sali
Bajraktari u bertet
Ou,
bini vllazen n'shahadet
Edhe
nji gisht cone perpjete
Ne
c'do fshat burrat jane besaute
Me
u ngri e me u coptue
E
kurre fene mos me e ndrrue.
In
the Serbian-Montenegrin annals it's mentioned that "there were Albanians
who after being baptized ran toward a river and rubbed the parts of their
bodies which were touched by the Baptists. In the absence of water they
rubbed their body parts by using sand so harshly that blood came out of
their bodies". 17
Another
segment of anti Albanian, anti Islamic policy followed by Greeks and Yugoslavs
was the liquidation of the Islamic properties. With the help of different
methods such as direct massacres and different laws pretending the application
of the agrarian reforms, entire territories belonging to Islamic institutions
were expropriated. Their expropriation started from the year 1919. There
exist facts regarding the confiscation of mosque's properties in the district
of Skopie, the confiscation of properties of Tetova's teqe, muftiny of
Prizren, "confiscation of cemetery lands in Skopie, Tetova, Kacanik, Kumanova,
Presheva etc".20
These lands in which later on Serbian colons were settled composed a considerable territory. After 1918 other Muslim Albanians lands were expropriated and confiscated by Yugoslav's state. These lands were equal to 3/4 of expropriated lands in the so-called "Southern lands" and reached as for as ten thousand of hectares.
192.000
hectares from all the expropriation lands were confiscated only in Kosova
where "the reform touched more than 62.000 families which lands were passed
to orthodox Slavs being these locals or colons"21. Both the
Belgrade and Athens’ government in close collaboration with Greek Orthodox
Church organized the expulsion of the Came Muslim Albanians and confiscated
all their wealth. The Greek army raided everything they found from the
Muslim Albanians. They raided and set in fire the Albanian houses wherever
they found them. The mosques and Albanian's graves were also destroyed.
The Cam people, together with the other Muslim Albanian inhabitants in
other regions were considered by Greek authorities, as second hand citizens.
As such they were deprived of every human and national right..."22.
In
this way entire populated centers with ethnic Muslim Albanians were transformed
to centers with a Greek and Slav dominance (majority). Because of the fact
that Albania of 1913 was limited in all parts by Albanians, the Belgrade
and Athens acted actively by ethnic cleansing in all the zones near the
border with Albania and near the main crossroads and railways. Only in
Rrafsh of Dukagjin of Fushe-Kosova and in the regional of Skopie were settled
hundreds of Serbian colons in a more than 120.000-hectare land. Till "the
November of 1937 in the so-called "Juzhna Srbija" lands 46.000 colon families
were settled. These families were composed of 5-7 members and were appointed
in Albanian lands"23. This action was preceded by the pragmatic
document of Dr.Vaso Cubrilloviq, which was presented on 7 March 1937 in
Serbian Cultural Club in Belgrade. This document was concerned with the
expulsion of Albanians and in an analytical way discussed the following
points: the colonization of southern areas, methods expelling, organization
of expulsion in the areas of Dibra, Pollogut te Poshtem, Pollogut te Siperm,
Sharrit, Drenices, Pejes, Itagut, Vucitern, Stavic, Llap, Graconices, Neradonjes,
Gjakoves, Podgorices, Gores, Podrimjes, Gjilan, Kacanik.
|
district
|
killed
|
imprisoned
|
beaten
|
Burned
|
raided
|
|
Prishtina
& Hapi
|
4600
|
3650
|
350
|
1340
|
2490
|
|
Vuciterna
|
2179
|
2940
|
215
|
1463
|
2431
|
|
Ferizaj
|
1690
|
3400
|
190
|
720
|
960
|
|
Peja
|
1560
|
3800
|
240
|
714
|
1970
|
|
Prizreni
& Luma
|
836
|
2700
|
120
|
770
|
1560
|
|
Gjilani
|
680
|
2400
|
220
|
450
|
630
|
|
Presheva
|
260
|
970
|
85
|
180
|
240
|
|
Mitrovica
|
133
|
1700
|
30
|
42
|
104
|
|
Gjakova
|
68
|
200
|
25
|
56
|
78
|
|
Overall
|
12346
|
22160
|
1635
|
6125
|
10515
|
Analyzing
this case Dr. Vaso Çubrilloviq25 (ex minister of Federative government,
member of Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and since 1970 director
of the Institute on Balkan studies and correspondent member of Academy
of Science in the ex-Soviet Union) stressed that from the mentioned districts
"those who constitute the Albanian essence for us actually are (it was
the year 1973)* : Peja, Gjakova, Podrimja, Gora (Dragoshi), Sharri, Podgora,
Istoku and Drenica in the north part of Mali I sharrit. These districts
are located nearby the border with Albania and their population must be
expelled. The far form the border districts such as Kaçaniku, Gjilani,
Gracanica, Hapi, Vuçiternietc, if possibly should be weakened especially
the districts of Kaçanik and Hapi. The other districts must be colonized
gradually and systematically within a decade26.
Vaso
Çubrilloviq continues in his elaboration on how should the "settlement
of colons in expropriate districts" take place, what should be "the technique
of colonization", "the financial means" etc.The
expenses according to him should reach the amount of 800 million Dinars.
"The expelled Albanians (says Çabrilloviq) will leave not only their
land but also their houses and means of production... During the settlement
of new colonies, the military force must be used whenever possible..."
He also names all these actions as "Military strategy and economical duties"27.
The
strategy of Cabrilloviq and those who supported him doesn’t need to be
commented because of the very fact that clearly shows all by itself the
objective of a total barbarian assimilation of Albanians.
The
aim of Muslim Albanian's expulsion from Yugoslavia was a constant objective
of Yugoslavian government. As a continuation of this policy, in 1938 was
compiled the Turkish-Yugoslavian convent according to which: "The Muslim
Yugoslavian citizens" (article 1) all together 40000 families (article
3) were forced to go from their territories in the region of Vardar, Zeta
and Morava, to Turkey. Within a period of 6 years starting from July 1939,
the emigration of families, periodically every year from 1 \May till 15
of October would took place. During the year 1939, 4000 families were planned
to be expelled. During the year 1940, 6000 families. During 1941-7000 families,
1942 - 7000 families, 143 - 8000 families, 1944 - 8000 families28.
In
the article number 6 of this convent it is said: "All the wealth left in
the villages by the expelled families will remain property of the Yugoslavian
government...". The irony shows itself in the article 12 in which it is
stated that these citizens "are changing their citizenship by their own
will". In the successive article is stated that "Yugoslavian government
is willing to transport them free of charge till the Salonika harbour".
This
was discriminative policy toward the Albanian Muslims, which was also associated
with a Machiavellian demagogy. For its realization the Yugoslavian government
mobilized its entire propagandistic arsenal together with a budget of 800
million Dinars29. This was a large amount of that time for Yugoslavia.
"Aiming
the depopulation of Cameria from Albanians, the Greek government in 1923
included even Albanian Muslim people on the massive exchange of population
with the Turkish government.
The
remaining part of Albanian Muslims population was treated as a destructive
element. During the time of bad-famed dictatorship of Mataksai it was prone
of a massive genocide. The crusade against Albanians was finally directed
by general Zerva. The result was a real tragedy: 2300 killed part of which
were 350 women, 18150 persons were expelled and 5350 houses were set on
fire. By those methods the existence of Albanians in Çameria was
completely vanished, which in fact constitutes a historical crime.30
At
the end of the Second World War on November 1944, Vaso Çubrilloviq
presented once more in front of the highest leaders of AFNLM (Anti-fascist
National liberation movement) the new plan concerning “the problem of minorities
in the new Yugoslavia”31. He held the opinion that “Democratic
Federation of Yugoslavia will find piece and secure development only when
it will be ethnically free”. 32 By referring to nazis methods
of massive expulsion he declared that “the Third Reich himself has been
following a brutal policy by expelling millions of people from one place
of Europe to another”. Continuing he added: “We also have the right to
request to our allies that the case concerning our minorities should be
solved in the same manner, by use of expulsion.” 33 “We – he
declared – must pay every prize in order to gain ethnically Boçka,
Kosova and Metohija by expelling hundreds of thousands Hungarians and Albanians….
Meanwhile in Kosova and Metohija the ethnical composition must change drastically”
by propagating that “the army during the war operations should cleans in
a planned manner without remorse the ethnical minorities.” 34
This is the source of all the massive massacres on Albanian population,
especially on Albanian Muslims.
Aware
of their impossibility of fully realising this plan because of the Albanian
resistance the Yugoslavian authorities with the help of different methods
imposed great limitations upon Albanian population such as the prohibition
of the development of their culture, economy, institutions etc. the Muslims
villagers remained helpless in front of the Serbian furry.
THE
PERSECUTION OF ISLAMIC CLERICS AND THE DESTRUCTION OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS
INSTITUTIONS
A
similar phenomenon also happened to the Muslim Çame in the region
of Cameria. The Greek and Slav churches after the failure of their actions
for converting Muslims to orthodox Christianity as a first step and then
later on for denationalising them, as a second step, started to compromise
certain social categories such as the clerics, land owners and high class
in general. On the same lines the Greek authorities during the years 1919
– 1921 undertook a barbaric action, which was known by the people as YRRFI.
During this period 182 Albanian villages were burnt in Kosova. According
to Serbian documents the liquidation of all the ulama, destruction of all
Islamic elementary schools (which was realised) and the destruction of
all holy Islamic monuments were planned. Yugoslav authorities burnt many
books, which were found in the ulamma’s houses in Kosova, Skopie, Tetova,
Diber and Sanxhak. The crimes committed towards Albanian population after
the year 1921 unlike the other crimes before this year had extermination
characteristics. It is even narrated that “the child had sucked for 24
hours the breast of his already dead mother killed by the first patrol
and when the second patrol came they had kicked, killed and later on thrown
him on the fire”35.
As
a result of Greek Orthodox hate the voice of Muslim Albanian Çame
in Çameria was extinguished. Almost no mosque remained undestroyed
in Çameria. There was no Çam Islamic cleric at all. The Greeks
use to choose by themselves the Muslim clerics. The Çam Muslims
were scattered in Albania, Turkey, USA, EGYPT and in some other Islamic
lands as well.
Mentioning
the suffering and other miseries of his compatriots a witness wrote: “Çameria
is languishing under a foreign occupation which is tormenting tyrannically
the Çam population”36. Edit Durhani37 also described
dramatically the genocide applied on Çam population. In this way
in Çameria the religion and the Islamic culture began to fade because
Greek authorities with the use of different articles and decrees stopped
everything which was connected to Islamic culture and national consciousness.
Islam in Albania faced more than one enemy at the same time; the communism
in Albania, communism and Orthodox Church in Yugoslavia, the Greek orthodox
church in Çameria and the Vorio-Epiriot policy.
In
Yugoslavia silencing the imams and infiltration in medreses was practised.
The history testifies of different methods used by the authorities aiming
the backwardness of Albanian Muslims. Prohibitions of the educational,
employment and cultural rights were some of them. The Yugoslavian authorities
also tried to transform the Muslim population into a bunch of ignorant
and fanatics in order to oppress them more easily.
The FET’HIJE Mosque in
Prizren, known as Jumma Mosque (builded on 1445), The minara of the Mosque
was broken on 5.6.1923 and in its place a Christina bell is placed. Nowadays
the mosque is converted into a Slavic Orthodox.
The
Islamic clerics headed by the H. Vehbi Dibra understood this challenge
and took certain measures as a response. Many medreses were reformed, the
Muslim women’s participation in the social-cultural life was approved,
the take off the niqab was legitimated, the usage of fez was permitted
and the religious press was established. The role of Islamic culture, as
a connecting point between west and east was well understood by the Islamic
clerics. These clerics were aware of the Albanian geographical position
and its role in Europe. They were also aware of the fact that the western
progress was not something to be discarded but at the same time they denied
the negative sides of the progress which composed a danger to the society
at large.
Many
representatives of Islamic intellectuals showed solidarity with the head
of the muftis Vehbi Dibra. One of them was Ibrahim Dalliu. These religious
men and patriots at the same time taught the population the love and the
sacrifice for the nation. “The patriotism (said I. Dalliu) is a scared
word that includes the essence of all human and national virtues. That’s
why the fortunate who is called by the name “Patriot” is distinguished
and praised by many”38. But it should also be mentioned that
a good part of the Islamic clerics who were not intellectually prepared
didn’t succeed in their confrontation with the communist offensive. The
anticommunist materials published by Ali Korça and Ali Tarja although
interesting were not at the level of an well-argued scientific proof. In
“Zani I Nalte” the articles of this category were being published less
and less. The connections with other Islamic countries such as Egypt, Pakistan,
Syria etc were not elevated and intensified, as the time required. But
an important fact is that different works such as “ Tesfiri I Kur’anit”(The
tefsir of Qur’an) by Ibrahim Dalliu played an important role in the development
of Albanian language and Islamic culture especially in Kosova.
By
the year 1934 Ali Kraja had published his monograph “A duhet feja” (Is
the religion needed?)39. On the chapter “Islamizmi dhe Ateizmi”(Islam
and atheism) of this material the author from a theological – theoretical
point of view debates with the atheism propagandised by the communists.
Among other things he also writes: “Every Muslim, first of all believes
that the globe is the work of only one Creator”.
The
occupation of Albania by the fascist Italy was a chance for the communists
to propagate their anti religious views within the framework of the anti
fascist war. The attractive promises by one side and the poverty and ignorance
on the other together with the important fact that Communist Party of Albania
was leading the war weakened very much the religion in general and Islam
in particular. In Kosova the situation remained somehow more different.
The Kosovar people preserved their unshakeable ties with religion.
The
communism started to infiltrate in Albania by the use of a well-organised
propaganda and by the use of foreign literature which denied God and predicted
the unity of all people under a sole regime.40 A rich literature
came form Comintern, which was obviously controlled by Soviet Union. The
slogans that were part of these materials were so attractive that arouse
the curiosity of the young people coming from the poor classes. The promises
made about the future, about the classless New World, the welfare of all,
attracted entire masses of youth especially the apprentices, the workers
and some intellectuals. On the other side the spread of communism found
a suitable terrain because of the fact that there was actually a lack of
religious books and religious preaching.
In
the Islamic educational institutions such as mejtepe (primary schools-translator’s
note) the religious teachings were still going on but they didn’t have
the quality required for debating the communist propaganda. The communists
started spreading slogans in which religion was portrayed as an obstacle
for civilisation, opium for the nations, obstacle for the national unification
etc. In this way the community of Albanian Islamic Congregation was challenged
by certain problems such as the consolidation of Islamic thinking, Islamic
culture and debate on theoretical issues. All these served as a resistance
to the powerful arsenal of the communist propaganda.
With
the beginning of World War II and with the occupation of Albanian the Muslims
in general put themselves opposite the invaders.
The
Italian invaders made great efforts to attract the Albanians on their side.
They invited many clerics in Rome, used different symbols (such as sword
of Islam), helped economically, made part of schools’ curriculum the religious
subjects, etc.
The
Muslims of Albania cleverly benefited from the new conditions created from
the start of new war, especially on the aspect of the changing of borders.
They strengthened their ties with Muslims Albanians of Macedonian, Kosova,
Montenegro and the Çameria. Their collaboration apart from strengthening
the ties also helped on the rise of national consciousness in these regions.
A part of literature in Albanian unknown before by the population of these
zones started infiltrating and played a great role as far as national aspect
is concerned.
In
this anti-religious war different methods were used which later on evolved
according to the stages and steps taken toward the establishment of the
communist regime. On the first years after the liberation, the Albanian
leadership didn’t categorically prohibit the practice of religion and the
activity of religious institutions. A similar precipitate action would
have caused the believers dissatisfaction (75% of them were Muslims), would
have increased the number of state enemies and would have stopped the proper
functioning of PKSH’s (Communist party of Albania) plans of constructing
a socialist system. In this way PKSH avoided an aggravation and followed
a moderate policy, which made it clear that the religion was a private
matter, and in no way it must interfere into the state’s affairs.On
the other side this policy also considered state as having no interest
to interfere into religious activities.
Adhering
to this strategy the PKSH maintained the same status that was achieved
during the kingdom’s period (1929) according to which the religion was
separated by the state. The state legitimately acknowledges the existence
and status of religious communities together with their subventions.
In
this situation the Islamic community since the first post-war year made
efforts for repairing the damages of Islamic institutions and buildings.
It also restarted the organisation of religious activities. As the first
step, a temporal council was formed to shape a new status, which was later
approved in the 3rd congress of Muslim believers on May 1945.41
This
status confirmed the social composition of the community, which was composed
of all the Muslims of Albania and also defined the leading organs. The
highest organ was the General Council, which was composed of four leading-muftis
and one representative, from every prefecture. Measures were also taken
for a proper functioning of the mosques and for the practice of religious
ceremonies. Although in difficult material conditions with the generous
help of the believers was made possible within a short time the restoration
of religious buildings.
While
the Islamic congregation and the believers were making efforts practising
the religion, the newly institutionalised state permitted at the same time
the religious activities and the anti religious propaganda. Every citizen
and every governmental organisation according to beliefs was free to propagate
the atheist teachings. Apart from the separation of religion from the state
the religion was also separated even from schools.
In
this way at the beginning the religion was free to act but not against
state’s laws. These ideas were reflected in the first constitution of RPSH
(Peoples republic of Albania) in the 18th article of which is
stated that “the freedom of belief and religion is guaranteed to all citizens”42.
At the same time this constitution forbade the use of religion for political
purposes and the formation of political-religious organizations43.
The Islamic Congregation as the other congregations was free to practice
its religious ceremonies but only within the limits of the law.
By
considering the legislative acts as insufficient the communist leadership
undertook several other measures which limited further the religious activities.
On these lines a great deal of attention was paid to the weakening of the
economic bases of religion. Within the framework of economical transformations
in general and of the means of production in particular the religion was
attacked by the so-called Agrarian reform. By the use of this reform the
state expropriated 3163 hectares of land and 61000 olive trees belonging
to Islamic institutions44.
The
agrarian reform together with other economical measures limited highly
the economic base of Islam. Another attack of the religious economy was
the process of co-operatives of the means of production in the agricultural
field, which stared in 1949. During this process in the name of unification
entire hectares of land were confiscated from religious institutions or
were exchanged with non-productive lands.
The
measures taken by state for weakening the religion were opposing the constitutional
rights. On 26th November a new law was issued regarding religious
communities. It legitimated the state intervention and placed the religion
under state’s control. This goal can be easily distinguished in the content
of rapport of its approval in which it’s stated that “… the principle of
non interference in religious matters should be interpreted that religion
exists separately from the state … or as a state within state”45.
The
state interference in the religious matters is also shown in the content
of several articles of law. The article 12 dictated on religious institutions
the atheistic education and on the believers the love for the party while
the religious literature and preaching was under the state’s control. Besides
this in the name of the creation of a religion with national foundations
the state prohibited the relationships with the religious institutions
across the borders. These kinds of relationships could only take place
by the state permission.
It
was also forbidden the formation of new religious orders, foundations,
institutions, the centre of which were not inside Albanian borders. The
law gave the absolute right to decide upon the heads of religious congregation
to the government. If anyone of them (religious representatives) did not
fulfil the political criteria the government could dismiss him. In difference
with the precedent law the former one was somehow evasive concerning the
issue of religious subventions. In it was only mentioned that “the state
may help the religion”.
This
law started a new phase as far as the relationship between state and religion
was concerned. The competence for its practice was given to the so-called
“The Committee of religious matters”. This committee from a co-ordinating
organ gradually was transformed to a dictatorial organ by deciding and
dictating the religion activities. The content of this law was quickly
made clear to the public by the government. The government requested the
religious congregations to review their status regarding their budget by
the pretext that “the law makes clear the favourable policy of state toward
religion communities, so a rigorous binding is excepted”47.
The
Albanian government was very careful selecting the clerics according to
their political criteria (of course following the communist guidelines-R.Z).
This is also reflected in the official documentation in which it is mentioned
the instruction of infiltrating trusted people into religious institutions.
For achieving this purpose a considerable number of state officials and
party members use to take part actively in the election processes of religious
organs.
Another
method used by the communist party in Albania was the limitation of religious
activities of religious personnel and institutions. In one of the party
meeting held on 1951 it was openly said that the extension of the religious
activities opposed the policy of the party by increasing the influence
of religious dogma on people and by fading the party’s authority.
Apart
from the legislation of new measures on political and economical aspects
and on limitation of the religious influence on the social aspect the communist
party organised a continuous atheistic campaign.
Although
there were few orientations calling for prudence toward the believers (especially
the Muslims) all the mass media, schools, other governmental institutions,
social organisations etc, openly confronted the religious ideology. These
confrontations aimed the weakening of religion and prohibition of religious
literature and culture especially the Muslim one. For this reason the communist
leadership on June 1956 in a letter directed to all regional committees
of PKSH after mentioning the fact that in Albanian were still present the
religious ceremonies which were “an obstacle to the development “, oriented
that the job for the interruption of religious ceremonies should to be
transformed to administrative measures.48
This
according to the letter would be achieved by great compliance efforts.
At
a time when the religious institutions continued their work for a greater
influence of religion on the people, the communist paid great attention
to the education of new generation with atheistic ideologies. The school
played a great role in this aspect. Measures were undertaken regarding
the textbooks in order to diminish any religious worldview in them49.
All the cultural institutions were instructed to interconnect the atheistic
propaganda with everyday life. Within this framework a great deal of attention
was paid to the lecturers, discourses scientific films and all the experiments
related to scientific conclusions.The
main targets of these efforts were the villages where the religious influence
was greater and the number of believers was bigger. The activists from
the cities cultural centres became the propagators of atheistic message
in the villages.
On
50iest within the framework of the war against the religion
a special attention was paid to the measures taken by the communist state
such as the prohibition of the formation of political-religious organisations,
religious literature limitation and later on the prohibition of graduating
clerics. The communist leadership after analysing the steps followed till
this period in its efforts to outlaw the religion called for a massive
attack against it.
At
the end of 1965 and during 1966 many youngsters incited by the central
and local organisations waged war on religious buildings. On 14th
May 1966 the mosque of Xhibrake village (Belesh, Elbasan) was closed by
the youth organisation. One day later the mosque of Myngan village in Cerrik
was also closed by the youth organisation. The population of “Kongresi
I Permeteit” quarter in Shkodra in its meeting on 5th June 1966,
which was initiated by the communist gave the opinion to close the mosque
and transform its territory into a sport ground50. On 17th
August same communist members of agricultural co-operative of Shënkoll
in the name of the villages notified the parson of the Breg Mates parish
that the people didn’t want anymore the ceremony “therefore the bishop
is notified not to came to perform the usually ceremonies. During the year
1966 other religious buildings were closed in many districts by the youth.
Under
the pressure of the Party’s manipulations the general Council of Bektashi
Congregation closed a number of teqes in Kolonja, Elbasan, Berat and Gjirokaster51.
This was ordered by governmental verdict with the justification that these
teqes were not frequented.
On
the other side the organs of localities by following career goals made
a number of proposal to the high organs of the government on how to legislate
non-religious decrees. All these proposals were argued according to the
“new conditions created by the economic and cultural achievements”.
The
Executive Committee of the People’s Council of Shkodra “in the name of
the population’s request” proposed to the Council of Ministers the need
for certain changes in the status of Catholic Church of Albania52.
At the same time it was proposed that the religious institutions should
take the approval of “executive committees of People’s councils in the
districts” for a number of important matters in their activities. Also
based on the orientations of the communist leadership, considering the
changes in ideological aspects it was proposed to the Council of Ministers
that changes should be made on the law number 743 date 16.2.1949 “Mbi komunitetet
fetare” (On the religions Congregations)53, approved by the
Parliament; on the law number 773 date 16.1.1950 because in the preceding
decrees certain articles were obsolete and needed to be changed54.
During
the half of the 60-ties certain measures (although partial) were undertaken
which limited the religions activities. These measures included shortage
of Religions congregational organs in centre and in the districts as well.
The
medrese was closed following the orders and a great number of religious
books were accumulated.At the same
time the budget of religious congregations was highly reduced. The budget
of Islamic Community was reduced from 120 million leke to 2.800000 leke55.
All
the anti-religious measures taken until the half of 60-ies and the youth
actions during 1966 encouraged the
Albanian
leadership to shift into another phase which meant an open massive war
against religion. This tendentious war
Was
part of the orientations given by PPSH (Labour Party of Albania) aiming
at the entire politicisation of life. It was also a product of Chinese
Cultural Revolution.
THE
STATE AND ITS WAR AGAINST THE RELIGION
The
fifth congress of PPSH (Albanian Labour Party) held on November 1966, considered
the war against religious ideology as an important aspect of the class
struggle. According to the communist leadership "the construction of socialism
and its total victory could not be guaranteed with the presence of religions
worldview and its regressive costums"56. On these conditions the PPSH waged
an open war against religion. This war which was considered a necessity
was to be carried on not only by the party but by the people as well.
The
involvement in the anti-religious war had already started among people
especially youth and had touched the village as well as the city. Parts
of this war were direct actions. Although there is no document to prove
that the communist leadership gave the orientation for the war, still some
links can be found. Documents connected to 5th congress of PPSH and a letter
of PPSH written on 27 February 1967 and directed to the Party's committees
on districts "Mbi luften kunder fese, paragjykimeve dhe zakoneve fetare”(On
the anti-religious war and religious beliefs) are of interest on this matter.
In this document orientations were given for "a quick and concise war against
religion and its regressive rites"57
This
open war against the religion occurred in different main directions. It
was directed toward the religions buildings and material base. The objective
of this war was the liquidation of the official functioning of the clerics.
Another orientation was the battle against the dogmas, rites and ceremonies
that composed the essence of religion. The war was a directed at the beginning
toward the sanctuaries and their material base.58 Few mosques and churches
were closed at the first step but later on the manipulated youth closed
all of them. The youth movement has a reason behind.
The
youth in general especially the educated youth was less influenced by the
religious ideology because of the environment it was raised. The atheistic
ideology that was taught in schools together with the anti-religious propaganda
influenced the youth indifference towards religion.
Another
fact is the characteristics of the young age such as the great initiative
spirit, the easiness of manipulation, the energy etc.
Within
the framework of the heretic movement the youth of Durresi were distinguished
by actions organised against the material base of religion. After the actions
of Durresi youth, the youth of other parts of the Albanian were also encouraged
to do so. By the use of wall-posters put on schools or factories the religious
students were highly criticised. This method was also used in quarters
and villages as well.
All
the youth actions were strongly incited by the Party's organisations, committees
and social organisations. The Party's committees widely practised the sending
of educated youngsters in quarters and villages. The youngsters who were
originally from the field areas but worked in mountainous areas were also
used for spreading the atheistic propaganda59.
Encouraged
by the first moves the Party’s committees in the districts and the Party’s
organisations re-dimensioned their work for the liquidation of religion.
Apart from the closing sanctuaries they undertook certain actions for the
total destruction of religions material base. Parts of religious material
possession were old Islamic manuscripts, crosses, icons, Qurans, religious
literature etc, which were found on the sanctuaries or in different houses.
As
the result of these actions within few months the movement also touched
the religious institutions. Except few mosques or churches with architectural
and historical values all the other churches, mosques, teqes, tyrbe and
waqfs were closed. The number reached 2035, 740 of which were mosques.
Although
the sanctuaries were closed and used for economical or sociological-cultural
purposes their look still imposed a danger for the authorities. The look
of the sanctuaries that remained the same reminded in a way or another
the believers about the religion. This fact caused the reaction of the
authorities, which undertook certain measures. In the name of the infrastructure
plans the state ordered the destruction of religious buildings and the
construction of new buildings instead of them. Many other were destroyed
by the pretext of the risk of falling down or lack of architectural values.
Others were used for different purposes such as cinemas, cultural houses,
gymnasiums etc.
In
this aspect by the “will of the base it was requested to the Ministry of
Culture and Education to re-examine the criteria of the big number of mosques
and churches without any historical value”60
THE
CONFISCATION OF THE RELIGIOUS PROPERTIES
Not
only the institutions but even their property as well was touched by the
anti-religious movement. According to the decree issued by the parliament’s
presidium with number 4263 of the 11th April 1967, the immovable
properties became the disposition of the executive committees in districts
or are given to agricultural co-operatives without a recompense.61
The
archives and accounts of all religious institutions, which in March of
1967 contained 1929307 lekë, became the disposition of executive committees
of the districts and were used for sociological-cultural needs or for co-operatives
needs.62 The agricultural co-operatives profited also by the
great number of cattle, vineyards, olives, gardens etc, which were previously
under the possession of religious institutions.
Other
kinds of property, which became the state’s possession, were the mills
and storage houses with all their equipment. At the same time the state
interrupted its annually subventions regarding the wages and pensions of
a good part of clerics63.
Apart
from the liquidation of sanctuaries and their properties the war was also
directed toward the Quranic norms, ceremonies, rites and religious practices.
This was the most expanded and deep heresy, which was extended even inside
the family institution. This heresy directly attacked the religious worldviews,
rites and customs that were already part of everyday life of people. It
certified the fact that the ruling party was decided to cut the roots of
religion and its connections to the population.
In
the radicalisation process of this war the communist leadership estimated
the fact that the Islam and its culture were not established in an organised
and systematically manner, because of the lack of well-educated clerics.
On these lines the control committee of PPSH in its letter titled “On the
anti-religious war and religious beliefs” directed to the Party’s committees
in districts, oriented that the war “must continue intensively against
the religious traditions, its way of life and its interpretations of phenomenons”64
It
was the everyday life, which remained problematic for the state because
of the fact that the cleric’s preaching was stronger in this aspect by
sharing people’s joy and sadness.
The
heretical movement became more organised as the time passed. The Party’s
organisations in the villages created such instruments as “anti-religious
activities”. The participants of these activities were mainly youngsters
and educators. They studied as a first step the characteristics of religious
rites in their region on village and the scale of their influence on people.
The
leadership of PPSH had oriented for the usage of sophisticated methods
while being helped by its servants, the social organisations. The social
organisations were transformed into tribunes in which the religious worldview
and institutions were regularly unmasked. Under the pressure of manipulators
many people participated in gatherings in which decisions of liquidating
the religious property and rites were made.
According
to the content of some of decisions the war for the liquidation was directed
toward the religious festivals such as Bajram, Ramadan, Paschal day etc.
in these gatherings the religious ceremonies used in everyday life were
condemned.* Even the geography of the anti-religious movementwas
wisely extended including in this way all the regions, cities and villages.
During
this war PPSH called for prudence estimating the growing number of its
adversaries and their resistance. It recommended “With all our organised
propaganda against religious rites, dogmas, institutions and professional
clerics we should be careful not to involve ourselves in an open war against
the lay people who believe, because there may be among them persons who
are closely connected with the party and are great patriots but who still
preserve their religious beliefs.”66
The
religious festivals and ceremonies were limited within a very short time.
From some social observations results that the small Bayram festival was
celebrated by fewer people on 1967 than the previous years. During the
festival days, schools and works places were well attended unlike other
years.67
Another
dimension of the anti-religious war was the liquidation of the official
functioning of clerics and the neutralisation of ulammas. This process
was carried out through an intense class struggle. A big number of imams,
priests, dervishes and sheikhs existed in 1967 in al Albania. Apart from
this a good number of mosques and churches had their advisors the number
of who reached some thousands.
The
clerics stand toward the movement was diverse. Some of them being connected
to the regime or tempted by its promises supported the anti-religious war.
Others fearfully silenced although unconvinced of the necessity of institution
closure. This is clearly shown in the act of the leadership of Muslims
and Bektashi clerics who called all the imams and dervishes to take off
their turbans and fez and to leave their sanctuaries on authorities hands.
If a teqe was closed by the will of the masses or clerics, the personnel
of it automatically stopped functioning. The clerics were later recompensed
by an amount of money till their further appointment. The old clerics were
recommended to live in almshouse while others voluntarily became members
of agricultural co-operatives.68
Obviously
there were people who did not approve the clerics’ actions. In this situation
PPSH (The Communist Party of Albania) advised not to remain indifferent
toward these “positive initiatives” of the clerics but to “protect their
noble intentions which will be approved by the majority of the population
especially the youth”.
On
September of 1967 the religious representatives being aware of the fact
that everything was over, proposed to the Ministers Council a number of
measures to limit their organs and budgets. 70
CLERIC’S
REACTION
Besides
the mentioned reactions a part of the clerics resisted in all the ways
to the destructive anti-religious and anti-cultural movement. In many ways
this category in collaboration with other opponents of the regime made
every effort to damage it. This category of clerics tried to raise the
people in a war against the anti-religious movement. Their activity with
the use of slogans and different methods aimed to touch almost all the
aspects of PPSH policy and ideology. What remained from the kulaks in collaboration
with the clerics didn’t obey to the directives given by the Party on the
anti-religious framework. The kulaks apart from the open opposition made
efforts to influence other believers as well. The opposition elements supported
the religious institutions and clerics together with the preservation of
the religious property. The reaction of the clerics toward the youth and
other socialist organisations which wanted the closing of mosques and churches
was at the beginning expressed by different, complains directed to the
government or the chairman of the Parliament. In these complains the actions
of the youth for the liquidation of religious institutions were attributed
to the central government71.
The
most widely practised form of war that anti-regime opponents used against
the communist rule was the distribution of different slogans such as “this
government is making a big mistake by attacking the religion”. “This is
only the beginning but the end will cause the demolition of the family”
etc. The religious slogan “Let’s turn Albania into a wakf” was propagandised
by ex-dervishes in Tropoja72. In order to inform the believers
they tried to link the anti-religious actions with the collectivisation,
which was taking place in mountainous regions and the limitation of the
personal gardens of the villagers. “The communists, they said, are destroying
the churches and mosques, are confiscating the land and are annihilating
the religion”. Or “by destroying our teqe and gardens they are creating
problems for themselves”. They also tried to create an idea that in the
communist regime there is a discrimination of religions, regions etc. In
Pogradec and Fier the demolition of churches before the mosques or the
preservation of a sanctuary as a cultural monument was commented as a favouritism
of a religion over another73.
The
fact that the demolition or the closing of the sanctuaries was not an immediate
action gave the opportunity to some clerics to hide a part of religious
literature. Some of the clerics collaborating with regime opponents propagated
the religious message to the people of different classes and sometimes
practised secretly religion ceremonies74. Many clerics tried
to teach the believers some rites, which could be practised in their homes
and suggested to them the idea of teaching their children too. These actions
were accompanied by preaching like “Is not necessary to come at the mosque
to be called a believer because the mosque is simply a gathering place.
The believers can pray even in their homes as long as he believes fully
with his heart”75.
The
party’s organisations together with the social organisations acted to unmask
“the reactionary role of religion” in the political aspect. The front’s
organisations organised gatherings for unmasking a number of clerics. The
front’s organisations of Shkodra publicly denounced the activity of the
imam of Gumenica who according to them used to go to villagers’ houses
to propagate against the regime.
The
members of Front’s organisation of “Tre heronjte?” (“Three heroes”)quarter
criticised and considered hostile the activity of ex-clerics of this quarter
who was active in the peripheral blocks of the cities since he wasn’t allowed
to act in his quarter. According to them the imam used to meet the villagers
in those quarters. Other clerics who practised the religious rites in their
home were also accused.76
Apart
the above-mentioned methods the most daring clerics started to organise
damaging actions against the regime.
A
number of these groups directed by the clerics were arrested and sentenced
by the dictatorship for agitation and propaganda against the communist
state.
It
is obvious that even after the accusations and the destructive actions
against the religion, the complete atheism of population was not expected.
Hence the religious ideology was still alive, the war should be carried
on.
After
the first actions against the material base of religion, started a circulation
of concept “… we did our job, churches and mosques are closed and we drove
out the priest and the imam”77. The concept that the religion
would be completely destroyed as the time passed was considered dangerous
by the Party’s organisations. Or that “we are fine for the time being and
the religious ideology is not manifested. If we distinguish again this
ideology than we will restart”.
With
all the successes reached against the religion it resulted that the remaining
of religion especially those, which were linked to everyday life practices,
continued to resist and to surface here and there in different forms. Such
forms were the religion greetings, congratulations, condolences, cursing
and the phrases of theological lexicons. Often from the old was transmitted
to the youth the oral religion literature such as tale, short stories,
proverbs etc. Efforts were made for inheriting the religious practices
in births, deaths, cemeteries, illness, natural phenomenon, name giving
etc. Efforts were also made to teach the children Qur’an and Hadith’s norms.
Often
these religious practices were concealed within the new practices. In this
way on the pretext of celebrating the birthday the saint day was celebrated.78
Another
form of the passive resistance was the use of some religious buildings
with historical values. In the same cases they were used for religious
ceremonies. In many villages and even in some cities the religions rites
and festivals were preserved. In many villages of the districts of Berat,
Pogradec, Peshkopi, during the day of Bajram the shops sold more sugar
than the other days. Many absentees were also observed in working places
during these days.79
Efforts
were also made for the preservation of material base of religion and for
the preservation of the respect for the holy places. In the area of Verzhezhes
(Skrapar) although the holy site was already closed it was found full of
candles (40kg) Candles together with money were also found in another holy
sites even after their closing.80
By
considering this “danger” the PPSH oriented that the anti-religious war
should be kept in its peak. According to the Party this war should also
occur in the families without neglecting the open gatherings. The forces
appointed for this duty were the communists, the labour youth and the students.
The PPSH saw as a necessity the “better ideological preparation of these
forces”81 in order to success in this mission.
A
special attention in this phase was paid to the substitutions of religious
festivals and ceremonies with new festivals and customs, because while
the old was denied, according to the party the “prospect of new should
be accepted”. Because of the fact that spiritual life of the people could
not accept vacuum, the created vacuum should be filled immediately according
to the party with new festivals and ceremonies.
A
great deal of attention was also paid to the process of old people compliance.
Meetings and special gatherings together with consultation were some of
the forms of compliance used.
These
forms were supposed to be used again in the future. This because of the
fact that the old people were more than anyone else fanatics and believers.
They created more problems than anything else during the anti-religious
war did. That’s why under the direction of the central organisations of
the Party, the social organisations together with Front’s organisations
were oriented to consider an important action the specific duty of dealing
with old people by treating this problem with a great care.
According
to a study conducted in two universities of Tirana in 1994, ¾ of
the students believed in God while only ¼ of the intellectuals believed.
These intellectuals were educated and lived during the atheistic period.83
In 1994 the lecturer Adem Tamo wrote: “Its 1994 in other words four years
after the rebirth of religious institutions. The changes have been impetuous
but still they aren’t being studied either in sociological aspect or psychological
one. Apart from some studies in the historical aspect there is a lack of
studies while the empirical studies do not exist at all… The study of the
rebirth of religious institutions and the reactions toward it has its own
difficulties: the rebirth of the religion is occurring during a complex
crisis of the transformation from totalitarianism to democracy.This
crisis is political, economical and moral as well”84. In this
study it is also mentioned that the students are more compact and homogenous
than the intellectuals are as far as the religious stands and beliefs are
concerned. This shows that the freedom of believing after that long prohibition
period has disorganised more the spiritual values’ system of the old generation,
which lived during the atheistic period.85.
With
the coming of democratic movement the rights to believe were also valid.
The date of 16 November 1990 was a unforgettable and historical one when
the youth and people of Shkodra reopened after 25 years the Mosque of Plumbi,
which become the initiator for the reopening of all sanctuaries in Albania.
During the democratisation years the Islamic population is turned once
again completely to Islamic faith. Numerous materials which deal with the
concept of belief, fairness, life, dedication, freedom, equality, moral
etc more and more are becoming part of the active life of Islam.86
The
researches especially historians have discovered all the Islamic relics
in all Albanian territories. These relics doesn’t need to be searched in
ancient time, because of the fact that we can find them registered in different
documents, sources or archives of the latest century. These documents which
are of great interest include the identification of the sanctuaries and
distinguished personalities, happenings and religious-social phenomena
especially those which were not mentioned at all by the history.